Saturday, February 7, 2009

Grandes Culos Gratis Riverside

Über das Elend der Rechtsextremismusforschung und ihrer linken Rezeption

On the right something new. In such example, the observation of many social scientists and those can be left-liberal, radical left, respectively describe circles of an anti-capitalist neo-Nazi connotation programmatic and agitation. Due to a commonly shared concern, as can be but also to work out similar explanations, behave and exercise science left in this case complementary to each other.

While some are making fun about it loudly, that the Nazis for purely optional meeting's reasons, their topics, and to dispute would be thought that the mainstream (Poltik)-Science, the extreme right, a change in economic policy matters, increasingly in the course of anti-capitalist topos would be set. Thus, the reported

Taz in its edition of 21 January on a quantitative survey by the Berlin political scientists Richard Stöss, were found in was that 89% of people in the state of Brandenburg, where a far-right attitude has been shown to be described as "critical of capitalism" would. For the Taz seems that conclusion of the final proofs to be that the extreme right has taken on economic policy question an entirely new course, taking it from near the right-wing middle class and the accompanying advocacy for a "free enterprise", while discrediting unemployed as "social parasites" was led away. This apparent metamorphosis of right-wing settings brings a lot again Stöss to the point where he is quoted as saying: "We observe that anti-capitalist settings are in the right scene for some time very common." (1)

Stöss provides wiedermal impressive evidence of how far the research is right from being zuhaben an adequate concept of neo-Nazism. The claim that there had been a readjustment of neo-Nazi ideology that denies or does not recognize that it is the National Socialism, as with neo-Nazism to an anti-capitalist rebellion is that against the positive Achievements of the civil society and directed by its very nature always striving for liquidation of Jewish life is. The National Socialism, as it is often emphasized by much of the Left is, and it also somehow not identical with Western materialism, not any crisis of capital, but a genuinely German. Uli Krug and Bernd Volkert have not summarized as follows: "National Socialism appeared no more than a product of a German collective mentality, and the hatred of the" materialistic "springs from America, but rather as" somehow "identical to Western materialism, he was translated semantically, to attribute the domination of those who defeated the Germans. "(2)
On the dialectical relation of the anti-capitalist capitalism inherent in the Nazi ideology, bourgeois Poltikwissenschaft fails in its exploration of the so-called right.

The recently occurring articulation of a socialist and anti-imperialist program by German neo-Nazis is a new emphasis of their ideology, just not a re-adjustment, which is associated with a changed opportunity structure for the articulation of an anti-American and anti-Semitic, therefore coming critique of capitalism in the political culture of post-Nazi Germany. The establishment of a personalized and staatsapologetischen capitalism scolding in the Socio-cultural society, which can be attributed just to those people who complain most about the alleged plagiarism of the Nazis, notably including large parts of the No Global movement, gave the neo-Nazi scene, the possibility of their anti-imperialist world view on the amount of time to be.
(2) See Uli Krug / Bernd Volkert: Pre-War I: Hate Letters to America, in: Thomas Uwer and others (eds.) America. The War on Terror and the Rise of the Old World. P. 153

Monday, February 2, 2009

Clipart Effectiveness

Über die Verschiedenheit in der Parteinahme im Gaza Konflikt.

It took only a few days until the first demonstrations against the Israeli military offensive in the Gaza Strip through the inner city districts of large cities in Germany moved. was launched and supported these events, which were attended by up to 100,000 people were of Islamic communities and societies and Islamic origin. That this involved the largest anti-Semitic manifestations since the de facto end of National Socialism was in critical observers immediately noted to be although the German media have not tired to suggest that it would be, for the expressions of solidarity for Israel and the so-called "peace demonstrations" a convergent views on the struggle for leadership in this conflict. Disturbing long been the topos of the "peaceful" translated semantically with abstinence from violence and riots. Only after the attacks on Israel Solidarity people have been multiplied, from the media on the open exhibits, then at least tolerated, anti-Semitism and anti Zionism reflects the demonstrations. The difference between the rallies is therefore not a question of nuance, but is a basic nature. It should be noted that there have been no violent attacks on people who are by their appearance, for "Palestine-solidarity" were held. Furthermore, can be found no reports of anti-Muslim or anti-Arab slogans and banners that were on Israel demonstrations are made.

the character of such a peace demonstration was also in Mainz study vividly. In addition to the big demonstration of 10.01, it came at 19:01 to a student demonstration, which was heralded as a silent march. In the call to the demo, people were encouraged to find the mandatory Palestine Flag "From your countries, only one or two (flags BK)" brought along. In this respect, it by no means surprised that an older protester carried the flag of Iran to the flag of that regime that denies the Holocaust, not just working on the technical implementation of a second Holocaust. In accordance with the diction of Tehran gays and murderers before the start was the demonstration of a banner to be provided by police, to which Israel was set to Nazi Germany the same and on which, as reported by other witnesses, the writing was: "Before, gas, today phosphorus. "

as a consistent feature of the demo, die schätzungsweise 200 Menschen umfasste, erweis sich die starke Maßregelung und Gängelung der Kinder durch die bisweilen autoritär auftretenden Demoordner. So konnte beobachtet werden, dass einem kleinen Jungen mit Pali-Fahne unvermittelt der rechte Arm hochgerissen wurde, nachdem die Fahne nicht mehr im Wind wehte.Grundsätzlich dürfte der Altersdurchschnitt der Kinder bei unter 10 Jahren gelegen haben. Einem Alter, bei dem grundsätzlich gefragt werden muss, in wie weit Kinder das Anliegen einer Demonstration verstehen können und in wie weit ihre Teilnahme eine freie Entscheidung darstellt